墨花香斋

吉祥三宝（食堂版）     
 大妈!      
哎!      
土豆来了牛肉哪里去了？      
它在盆里。      
吃饭为何吃出一些泥沙？      
米没淘呢！      
碗里土豆怎么全都发芽？      
你才知道啊！      
牛肉，土豆，米饭就是吉祥的一家～～～～～～～～～      
大叔！      
啊？      
宫爆鸡丁外加一份黄瓜。      
菜早没了！      
来点羊肉但是不要太辣。      
肉买光了！      
那我中午到底能够吃啥？      
自个儿合计去吧！      
空盘，空碗，空盆就是吉祥的一家～～～～～～～～～      
同学！      
噢？      
食堂做饭做得很好吃吗？      
你说谎那！      
菜在嘴里是什么感觉啊？      
拔凉拔凉的啊！      
那汤能否用来洗脸刷牙？      
这是实话！      
冷饭，凉菜，清汤就是吉祥的一家~~~~~~~~          

记得以前大家催我做事的时候，我总是说：“还早着呢！”

我现在再也不敢这么说了，

高一一年实在是过得太快了，初三毕业，高一入学，校庆还历历在目，这不高一又要过晚了

想起小学六年级我常挂在嘴边的：离 毕业 还早。有点想哭·····

日子过得太快了

阿B，阿辉，阿荣，是三个一齐长大的兄弟，他们在阿B的婚礼上因为误杀抢钱的歹徒而被逼逃亡海外，到越南去从事走私活动。三个香港小混混走出西贡机场便见识到战争的残绘，他们辗转成为当地黑社会杀手，又被越共误为间谍，最后为了一箱黄金而互相反目。李出卖朋友带着黄金回到香港，成为企业巨子，梁处理了张的后事便回港报仇。

我看了感动,为了兄弟的生死而感动，为剧中甄小姐的死而伤心，

看到阿荣为了钱财而杀害兄弟而落泪，

也为阿辉最后的丧失理智而哭泣

为了一箱金子，连朋友都没得做，反映了人在被贪欲所裹挟以后

人性的极度扭曲，看过这部片的，才知道什么是朋友

经典台词：为了箱金子连朋友都没得做？你还会说朋友这两个字吗？

我有一个梦想
  二十四年前，人大代表通过了第四部《中华人名共和国宪法》，他规定“公民拥有选举权与被选举权”。这庄严的宪法犹如灯塔的光明，给我们三位想要竞选电教委员的学生带来了希望。
  二十四年后的今天，我们决定行使这一权利；二十四年后的今天，我们希望为班级服务；二十四年后的今天，我们想要得到一份责任，而不是班级活动的非参与者。今天我们在这里集会，就是要把我们的心声告诉大：同学们，投票吧！投票的前途是光明的，投票的行为是高尚的、纯粹的，脱离了低级趣味地。
  朋友们，今天我们对你们说，在此时此刻，我们虽然遭受种种压力，却任有一个梦想。这个梦想是深深扎根于中国的梦想中的。
  我梦想有一天，我们能够担任电教委员，为我们班的网络发展作出贡献，为我们班的电子设备正常运转作出贡献，为我们班的电子竞技事业发展作出贡献。
  我梦想有一天，我们班的班级博客点击量超过十万，留言贴如滔滔江水连绵不绝，又如黄河泛滥一发不可收拾；让全国网友等待着我们的更新，关注着我们的发展。
  我梦想有一天，我们班的电子设备得到专业保养，引进美国先进技术，采用德国原装进口，
配合英国高效管理，雇佣日本廉价劳动力；打造国内一流世界知名的品牌，给同学们以最优质的服务。
  我梦想有一天，我们的电子竞技蓬勃发展，昔日魔兽高手和反恐精英们能坐在一起，共同商讨战术，研究微操，
  有了这些梦想，我们能一起学习，一起工作，一起选举，一起投票；应为我们知道，终有一天，我们会被选上。
  让支持的声音从岳麓山上的山林中响起来！让支持的声音从湘江的浪花上响起来！让支持的声音从长沙市的每一片臭豆腐里响起来。
  让我们合唱一首古老的黑人灵歌：“快来投票啊！快来投票啊！机会不容错过，请支持我们吧！”

 

 

----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

 马丁路德金演讲原文

我梦想有一天，这个国家将会奋起，实现其立国信条的真谛：“我们认为这些真理不言而喻：人人生而平等。”

    I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."

    我梦想有一天，在佐治亚州的红色山岗上，昔日奴隶的儿子能够同昔日奴隶主的儿子同席而坐，亲如手足。

    I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

    我梦想有一天，我的四个孩子将生活在一个不是以肤色的深浅，而是以品格的优劣作为评判标准的国家里。

    I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.


演讲全文：I Have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr.

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we''ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we''ve come to our nation''s capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we''ve come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God''s children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro''s legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.

We cannot turn back.

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.

And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."?
This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.

With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God''s children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country ''tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.

Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim''s pride,

From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.

Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.

Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.

Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.

But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.

From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God''s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

Free at last! free at last!

Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!